I think it’s no longer necessary, at this point, to go into details of
the actual events that have unfolded in the last two weeks. Anyone who is not
up to speed can check out this helpful timeline or this cute infographic.
The comments I want to make are in response to some common misinterpretations
by the international media. Every one of these pitfalls can conveniently be
found in this piece by Paul Mason. In his article, Mason manages to share a
somewhat insightful anecdote about tear gas, and deserves credit for getting
the name of the trees in the park right, but as for the rest - it’s hard to
believe he actually came here and spoke to anyone actually involved in the
protests given his superficial analysis, stereotypes and mischaracterisation.
1.
“Will
gas canisters or yoga prevail in Turkish spring?”
Catchy title, admittedly, shame about the reference to a “Turkish
spring,” which the protesters have expressed their objections to repeatedly.
Let’s not kid ourselves, Erdoğan won several elections and even those fiercely
opposed to his politics, such as the Greens and Left for the Future Party,
admit that his government has pursued some commendable policies, as the party’s
International Secretary, Ahmet Atil Asıcı, pointed out in his statement:
“The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has long been viewed as
a progressive party and indeed it was so until recent months. The AKP
was successful in enriching ordinary people materially. GDP per capita
increased relentlessly since the AKP took the office in 2003. […] This economic
success was reflected in the support of people in the
latest election which gave the AKP the support of 51 percent of votes. The
peace process initiated with the Kurdish movement, to resolve a conflict which
took the lives of 50,000 people in the last 30 years, also gained
widespread support from the public.”
The cries of “Hükümet Istifa” (Goverment Resign) that echo around the
city are more a rallying cry than a genuine demand. This isn’t about a
revolution. Protesters don’t want another coup. They want a democracy that
works, that rules by consensus not ruthless & posturing majoritarianism and
that listens to its citizens. As one correspondent pointed out – there is no
spring here in Turkey, it’s summer.
As for the “occupy” label, it is of course still an imperfect
comparison, despite having been appropriated by the protesters themselves. I
find the recent comparison of Gwynne Dyer to the Paris May ’68 events rather
compelling, but I do also wish we could just see the events as unique and
context-specific.
2. “I have seen all this before - in Syntagma Square in
Greece, among the Spanish indignados, on the roundabout in Tahrir Square.”
No. No you haven’t. This is not Tahrir Square, for the reasons stated
above (I’d also venture to say that the amount of sexual abuse and harassment
of women that has taken place in Taksim is a minute proportion of that which
went on in Tahrir). As for Greece, the climate of austerity has nothing to do
with the economic context in Turkey, which until recently has been growing at
breakneck speed and certainly hasn’t seen anything like the kind of economic
nose-dive taken by its neighbour. And as for Spain – I can’t even be bothered...
3. “The secular, urban, educated, young are a political
minority in Turkey.”
Actually most of them are not political at all. Some of the kids I’ve
seen taking to the streets, braving the gas and standing vigil day and night in
the square and the park, have surprised me by the force of their determination
and the intensity of their feelings given their lack of any political
affiliation or even particular interest in politics. The alliance that has
emerged between feminists, ecologists, Kemalists, nationalists, football fans,
and many others has been a source of amazement. Many of those who put
themselves at risk by getting deeply involved in the protests were not waving a
political flag but rather belonged to associations of physicians or lawyers,
for example.
There is a question about the politics of the protests, of course.
Government supporters have attempted to undermine them by saying that tensions
between different factions in the park are already causing the happy alliance
to implode. This is an exaggeration, and by and large everybody has co-existed with
admirable tolerance, but there have been tensions, and the occasional scuffle,
especially when it comes to symbols like the Kurdish flag or the face of Öcalan
(jailed PKK leader), which has proved to be just too much for some
nationalists. In the historical context, this is in no way surprising, of
course, given the levels of seething hatred that exist there.
4. “In Alifuatpasa, the women do not wear skimpy tops, or
yoga pants, but in fact the veil and clothes that cover them head to toe.”
With this and several other quotes, Mason seems to fall into the same
trap as many other commentators who have understood & portrayed the
protests through the prism of the old Islamist vs. Kemalist dichotomy.
When I visited Gezi Park before the crackdown of Friday May 31st, there
were no flags to be seen, and the lack of symbols gave the real sense of a
civil movement, composed of individuals who wanted to save their local park by
peacefully camping out there. Participating groups such as the Greens left
their flags at home purposefully to avoid engaging in any political
opportunism.
In the days that followed the police’s absolutely shocking attack, when
masses of people started to gather in the park and square, and to march through
the streets of districts across the city and across the country, when people
started standing at their windows banging pots and pans and flashing lights on
and off to demonstrate their consternation, that’s when the flags came
out. And boy did they come out.
Especially the Turkish flag, of course, sometimes featuring Atatürk’s face, and
often accompanied by chants like “We are the soldiers of Mustafa Kemal.” There
have been attempts to clear the protests of divisive symbols, but often these
have excluded the Turkish flag, which for me misses the point completely.
Turkish citizens cannot be united under a flag which for decades has been
emblematic of the oppression of so many minorities – Greek, Kurdish, Armenian,
Alevi – etc. [This is a small digression which is only my personal opinion, and
which I know many of my Turkish friends would disagree with.]
Essentially, the presence of many devout Muslims, and indeed quite a few
AKP voters, among the protesters is proof that this old framework is inadequate
for making sense of what is now happening. There is no indication that any
party, for example the Kemalist CHP (Republican People’s Party), will gain from
this politically. Nor is this a movement which alienates Muslims, although of
course the staunch supporters of Erdoğan’s brand of “political Islam” are less
likely to support the protests.
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