Obituary

Central Societies Committee treasurer Joe O'Gorman writes:

"Many of you will be saddened to learn that Matteo Matubara died on November 18th. He had been becoming increasingly frail over the past few months and it was obvious to all who knew him that he was not long for this world. He was the last of a number of eccentrics who pottered about College over the years whose only real link to the place is the most important: they were known by generations of students for whom, in many ways, they formed a nostalgic link with their time in College."

Matubara, or "Mat the Jap" as he was affectionately known by the student body at large, was indeed one of the more renowned & improbable Trinity personalities. He was the subject for all manner of outlandish rumours, stories and mythology as to where he came from, and why he inhabited the college as he did, wandering the corridors and cobblestones of Trinity, of which I heard only a few. These stories were passed around over the years, probably greatly distorted in the process, stemming from the general intrigue for such an idiosyncratic character, at once ubiqutous and elusive. Among the students he inspired sentiments of fear, mockery, curiosity, bemusement, indignance and affection. For my part, I now realise I'll probably never know the real story of Mat the Jap, but no doubt that will remain part of the mystery and charm that he will be forever associated with in my mind, indeed a nostalgic link with my days in College - a symbol of those years, and of Trinity itself.

If you think you're feeling stressed at the moment, spare a thought for the king of Belgium. There was scarcely a whisper about Albert II's visit to Trinity earlier this month. In fact, the Belgian flag fluttering discretely alongside the tricolour above front square provided one of the only clues as to the dignitary's fleeting presence, as well as a cordoned off area and a few bored looking guards hanging around. Keeping a low profile might well be desirable whilst he recovers from recent surgery following an injury. Happening to be the head of a State that has been without a government for over 5 months now and appears to be in danger of disintegration might also be affecting his morale.

Of course, there is a temptation to overstate the extent of the "political crisis" facing Belgium at the moment. There is no doubt that the Belgian system is, and always has been, marked by a great degree of complexity. It's ability to function despite the cross-cutting divisions, both linguistic and political, is a testament to the robust efficiency of the administration, but also to the efforts of co-operation which until now, have always carried it through despite the considerable structural obstacles. Flanders and Wallonia have always co-existed as regions with a fairly advanced degree of autonomy, but in recent times seem to have become increasingly isolated from one another.

How they have succeeded in remaining united within the same State thus far is an enigma that Flemish professor Rik Torfs gave some insight into when he appeared on a British radio programme recently, expounding the uniquely Belgian brand of "weak nationalism" - where one succeeds in feeling a sense of belonging to a nation without needing to feel proud of it.
"Why should you be proud of your own identity?" he scoffed, "I am a man, and I'm not proud of it; I am a Belgian, and I'm not proud of it."

Words to be heralded as the voice of reason by those stateless drifters among us for whom the concepts of nationalism and patriotism alike are entirely foreign (pun half intended). Indeed, why can't we be content to be part of a nation, without needing to feel proud of it aswell, and without it necessarily alienating us from others. That isn't to say that a healthy measure of patriotic fervour isn't entirely tolerable and even desirable. Where would we be without the kind of stereotypes that inspire taunts at international football matches, politically incorrect jokes and the scathing commentaries that always accompany the Eurovision song contest.
However, proclaiming the success of the Belgian model could be seen as tempting fate given the precarious state of the Belgian national adminstration at the moment, with its non-existant government.

Lack of nationalism means Belgians appear far more inclined than many of their European counterparts to transfer their sense of attachment either upwards (to the supranational EU, essentially) or downwards (to their regions and local communities), indicating that perhaps this same sense of geographical and cultural identity still exists, but merely operates at different levels than traditional, straighforward nationalism. Certainly we have seen a rise in "regionalism" as an alternative to nationalism. Sub-national patriotic sentiment has flourished as a result of the ongoing process of regionalisation, including a law introduced fifteen years ago abandoning the compulsory teaching of both languages to all Belgian schoolchildren. As a result a new generation has grown up within the context of a state of quasi-apartheid. The current state of deadlock is then perhaps due, not so much to the playful rivalry, to xenophobia or even occasional outright hostility. They have simply had enough of each other. The prospective next prime minister Yves Leterme's insinuations about the Walloons have not gone down well, but he is merely voicing what so many Flemish have been muttering amongst themselves for years, disgruntlement that appears to have gathered sufficient momentum as to throw a spanner in the works the political machinery.

Charting these developments leads to some rather sobering conclusions. The evidence would appear to suggest that a nation without a strong sense of nationalism is doomed to fail, or at least, is in danger of coming perilously close. Perhaps this is why the politicians of countries that appear to be overly "fragmented" immediately call for reflection and a dialogue on the state of its national identity. If the ties that bind seem to be loosening, a national consensus on identity might help a country pull itself together. If in doubt - get the flags out. This seems to be the strategy of UK Secretary for Justice Jack Straw who has been extolling the virtues of "pride" in one's country as a force for cohesion. And if the power of this imaginary concept is such that it really can make or break a country, Belgium seems to be in real trouble.

It seems to me that no amount of artificial government-sponsored national pride pushing is going to resolve the issues of social fragmentation in Britain. Conversely, Belgium's chances of survival aren't so bleak, especially when you consider what the seperatists are up against. The fate of the Euro-bubble of Brussels, for one thing, seems an irresolvable connundrum. Officially bilingual, Brussels is now so overun with expats as to have turned the place into a veritable tower of babel, virtually annihilating any trace of authentic identity it may once have had in the process. In fact the only conceivable option might be for it to become an administrative city-state housing the European institutions and various other international organisations whose headquarters might require a "neutral" seat in the interests of fairness and good diplomacy.

Thus, Belgium's saving grace might lie in the fact that the sheer volume of upheaval threatened by a split might well outweigh that of the dissent. The notorious bureaucracy so loathed by all may well turn out to be a Godsend in so far as preserving the status quo goes. This, along with high standards of living and general overall contentment among the population combine to make Belgium a most inhospitable environment for a revolution.